Abstract

For the Digital Ethnography Essay, our job was to select an online community and observe the members, their behavior, their demeanor, and their reactions/interactions to/with one another. For this essay, I decided to write about the self-harm community on Twitter. My goal with this essay was to learn more about why people post self-harm and also why they commit self-harm in the first place.

Social Media and Self-Harm

Social media is a space for many teens to share anything they want in designated communities. One app that is especially known for this is Twitter (now known as X). On X, there are communities dedicated to various topics, including art, music, and self-harm. Yes, you read that right, there are many communities on X made specifically for people who commit self-harm. One community in particular is named “🟥🧵.” When I first checked this community, it had approximately twenty thousand members, and its name immediately caught my attention because it is not a traditional name at all; instead, it uses two emojis. The red square most likely represents blood, and the thread likely refers to Twitter “threads.” Throughout this project, I have checked the community frequently, and it now has approximately thirty thousand members. The members are adolescents to young adults (ages 13–21), and the majority are lighter-skinned. I’m not sure what race they are since most did not post their faces, but some profiles displayed European flags, which suggests that many were white. Still, some accounts did post their faces, and some of those users were Black or brown. Therefore, it is safe to assume that this community includes members of different races.

Although this particular community was created on March 23, 2025, self-harm communities have existed online long before this. For example, research on early internet platforms shows that self-harm–related groups were active on LiveJournal in the early 2000s. A network study of NSSI communities found that groups like “self_mutilation,” created on June 22, 2001, were already engaging users at that time (Zinoviev et al.). Some were pro-recovery, while others were explicitly pro-injury. This history shows that online self-harm communities tend to evolve but never fully disappear.

Understanding why these communities persist requires looking at trends in adolescent mental health. It is more common for adolescents to engage in self-harm than any other age group (Klonsky et al.). About 17 percent of teens have admitted to self-harm, also known as nonsuicidal self-injury, at least once in their lifetime, with the highest rates among girls and LGBTQ+ teens (Hull). Emergency room data also shows a 50% increase in reported self-injury among young females since 2009 (Hull). These numbers rose even more during the COVID-19 pandemic, which brought increased stress, isolation, and mental health challenges (Ferreira et al.). Considering how drastically the pandemic disrupted everyday life, these increases are unfortunately not surprising.

Since adolescence is already a critical time marked by major shifts in physical, emotional, and social growth, adolescents are more vulnerable to the risk of self-harm and suicidal behaviors, especially in contexts of social and economic crises, such as the COVID pandemic. Research by Galina Soldatova and Elena Rasskazova illustrates this point. Their study examined how the transition to distance learning during the COVID-19 pandemic affected students academically and psychologically. Previous research had already shown that the move to online education was linked to increased learning difficulties, reduced effectiveness, declining interest, and lower overall well-being among students (Herbert et al., 2021; Almomani et al., 2021; Puljak et al., 2020). Building on this, Soldatova and Rasskazova aimed to identify the psychological predictors of decreased academic satisfaction, competence, and engagement during the rapid digitalization of education. In December 2020, the researchers surveyed 220 students between the ages of 18 and 33 about their learning difficulties, academic satisfaction, competence, and engagement both before the pandemic and at the time of the study. They also measured the students’ well-being (Diener et al., 1985; Diener et al., 2010), educational motivation (Sheldon et al., 2017), and pandemic-related anxiety (Tkhostov & Rasskazova, 2020). The results showed a significant decrease in academic satisfaction, perceived competence, and engagement, along with moderate learning difficulties. Students who experienced more severe learning difficulties during the pandemic tended to report higher levels of negative emotions, lower integrated learning motivation, and increased anxiety about the shift to online learning and concerns surrounding digital security. Decreases in satisfaction, competence, and engagement were strongest among students with low levels of positive emotions, higher levels of amotivation, and greater anxiety related to privacy and online security. Overall, the study concluded that students with stronger negative emotions and higher anxiety about distance learning, regardless of their actual academic ability, were more vulnerable to the negative academic impacts of the pandemic (Jensen et al.). These findings help explain why many adolescents turned to online communities for connection and coping during this period.

Given these statistics and psychological stressors, it should come as no surprise that online communities developed for self-harm and other disorders like anorexia have grown in membership. During my research, I noticed that these groups often use hashtags such as #styrostwt, #slittwt, #ouchies, and even #988twt. Because I didn’t know what some of these hashtags meant, I tried looking them up without “twt.”. When I looked up Styros, I got the “Help is Available” Message that Google displays for suicide-related searches as a public health measure to provide immediate support resources in moments of crisis. This is based on the idea that individuals frequently use search engines when they are in vulnerable states, and immediate access to help can be life-saving (ABC News). I eventually found an answer for what a Styros was on Reddit, along with an image/explanation. This is an example of language used by these communities in particular; they refer to the different layers of skin as babies, styrofoam, beans, laffy taffy, and the bottom layer does not have an exact name, so some refer to it as bedrock, but that part is the bone. This user explained that Styros, which is under the first layer, is a thick, white, almost spongy-looking layer that looks surprisingly similar to styrofoam. I assumed that slittwt referenced the slits or cuts that members give themselves. The use of 988, which is the suicide hotline, indicates that some members have suicidal ideations, but the fact that they are engaging in self-harm in the first place shows that the mental health of members is not the best. In the context of Twitter, these hashtags are used so people who commit self-harm can find others like them. But users also use these hashtags that are vague/coded in order to hide or soften discussions of self-harm. This is because platforms moderate explicit content, so in response, communities develop their own jargon, euphemisms, and hidden hashtags to communicate and remain discoverable only to insiders. 

Just from scrolling through the “🟥🧵” community, I encountered a wide range of posts, from memes about cutting and wanting to heal, to messages from the community admin reminding members not to encourage relapse and to censor non-healed photos. There were rules like “Do not ask for SH tips” and “Censor all non-healed pictures.” I also saw guides promoting “safer” self-harm practices. From this, it seems the community acknowledges that self-harm is harmful but tries to create what they consider a supportive environment for people who lack safer coping mechanisms, such as therapy. In another community, members posted images of their cuts covered in sparkles or anime characters, seemingly to blur the wounds enough to avoid removal. These practices highlight how people try to balance expressing distress with avoiding content moderation.

The reason these communities engage in self-harm in the first place is to cope with emotional pain, so they join these communities to find a sense of belonging. Research consistently shows that individuals who engage in self-harm often do so as a form of emotion regulation, either to reduce intense negative feelings or to counteract emotional numbness. It serves as a way to express internal pain and exert control during periods of emotional dysregulation. Posting self-harm content online is usually a way to seek empathy, social validation, and connection rather than to attract harmful attention. Because self-harm is highly stigmatized offline, online spaces offer anonymity and a sense of belonging, which reinforces community participation. At the same time, social media platform algorithms can unintentionally amplify self-harm content by clustering users with similar posts, contributing to the stability and visibility of these communities. 

However, even when communities attempt to be supportive, their content can still pose risks. One study has found that exposure to self-harm content on social media may increase the risk of self-injurious thoughts and behaviors (SITBs) in adolescents. A study of 61 adolescents aged 14–17 in the United States (49% girls; 62% LGBTQ+) used daily and weekly surveys over eight weeks to track suicidal ideation, NSSI urges and behaviors, and exposure to self-harm content online. Results showed that 50% of participants viewed self-harm content during the study period, and weeks with exposure were significantly associated with NSSI urges and behaviors, though not with suicidal ideation. The duration of overall social media use was not related to SITBs. These findings suggest that exposure to self-harm content may act as a proximal risk factor for NSSI, highlighting a modifiable way social media may elevate risk and supporting guidelines aimed at limiting such content for adolescents (Hamilton et al.). 

In my opinion, even though self-harm is very dangerous and life-threatening, I won’t judge because I understand the feeling of helplessness, feeling like you have no control over anything in your life, and needing a coping mechanism to manage that pain. My coping mechanisms include listening to music and reading, which give me an escape. These are considered healthier coping strategies, but for others, they may not be enough. There is also nuance: some individuals might have the resources to see a therapist, but their household may look down on therapy, making it inaccessible. This often overlaps with family issues, which is also a known risk factor for NSSI.

Overall, the existence and persistence of online self-harm communities reveal how deeply many adolescents struggle with emotional pain, isolation, and unmet mental health needs. The “🟥🧵” community on X is only one example of how teens turn to digital spaces to cope, connect, and feel understood when their offline environments fail to support them. While these communities can provide a sense of belonging, they also expose members to content that may reinforce harmful behaviors, especially when algorithms amplify posts that center on distress. At the same time, the long history of self-harm communities, from early 2000s message boards to modern social media, shows that these spaces emerge not because teens want to glorify self-injury, but because they lack accessible, stigma-free ways to express their feelings. Recognizing this makes it clear that simply removing content will not address the underlying issues driving young people toward these groups. Instead, it highlights the urgent need for better mental health resources, stronger support systems, and compassionate, nonjudgmental conversations about adolescent distress. Only by understanding why these communities exist can we begin to create safer spaces and more effective pathways to healing.

Works Cited

Ferreira, Danilo Bastos Bispo, et al. “Suicidality and Self-Harm in Adolescents before and after the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Systematic Review.” Frontiers in Psychiatry, vol. 16, 19 Sept. 2025, https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2025.1643145. Accessed 29 Sept. 2025.

Hamilton, Jessica L., et al. “Self-Harm Content on Social Media and Proximal Risk for Self-Injurious Thoughts and Behaviors among Adolescents.” JAACAP Open, 5 Feb. 2025, www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2949732925000237?ref=pdf_download&fr=RR-2&rr=91cb28e6393176eb, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaacop.2024.11.008.

Hull, Megan. “Self-Harm Statistics and Facts | the Recovery Village.” The Recovery Village Drug and Alcohol Rehab, 17 Aug. 2021, www.therecoveryvillage.com/mental-health/self-harm/self-harm-statistics/.

Jensen, M.E., et al. “Digital Self-Harm – Social Media and Its Impact on Non-Suicidal Self-Injury and Suicidal Behavior. A Longitudinal Mixed Method Study.” European Psychiatry, vol. 65, no. S1, June 2022, pp. S341–S342, https://doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2022.868. Accessed 9 Sept. 2022.

Klonsky, E David, et al. “Nonsuicidal Self-Injury: What We Know, and What We Need to Know.” The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 59, no. 11, Nov. 2014, pp. 565–568, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4244874/, https://doi.org/10.1177/070674371405901101.

News, ABC. “Google “Suicide” Search Feature Offers Lifeline.” ABC News, 7 Apr. 2010, abcnews.go.com/Technology/google-suicide-search-feature-offers-lifeline/story?id=10313064.

Thorn, Pinar, et al. “Motivations and Perceived Harms and Benefits of Online Communication about Self-Harm: An Interview Study with Young People.” Digital Health, vol. 9, 1 May 2023, doaj.org/article/7c4b9a1d93c448629f9005cad4dd98fe, https://doi.org/10.1177/20552076231176689.

Zinoviev, D, et al. “Semantic Networks of Interests in Online Non-Suicidal Self-Injury Communities.” DIGITAL HEALTH, vol. 2, Jan. 2016, p. 205520761664211, https://doi.org/10.1177/2055207616642118. Accessed 23 Nov. 2020.